The final chapter of the book: Social Justice.. Concept and Policies after the Arab Revolutions
In partnership with others within the book
Social Justice: Concept and Policies after the Arab Revolutions
Publishers: Arab Forum for Alternatives and Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
Cairo Conference Papers
18-19 May, 2014
Nearly four years have passed since the start of the movements in the Arab region, but it seems that there were not so many achievements made with regard to social justice, although it was a key element in the explosion of revolutions. This happened despite the fact that the slogans of the Arab revolutions were calling for “bread, freedom and social justice”. The slogans of the revolutions stressed the importance of social justice and the need to achieve it for broad sectors of the Arab people. Since the moment slogans of social justice were raised, discussions and disagreements on the concept of social justice began to raise huge complexities in the transitional phases in post-revolution countries. These differences in view points and the discussions on the topic, have enriched the political arena – such as the opening of the doors for civil society work, increases in demand and awareness of the importance of fair distribution of wealth in accordance to clear economic and social policies, in addition to drawing connections between economic, political and social imbalances, which were missing as a result of historic development and the nature of the prevailing, pre-revolution, authoritarian social contract. They also raised the issue that the idea of social justice must be more than a mere redistribution of wealth and that focus should be on power relationships and transitional justice and their importance when it comes to achieving social justice.
Moreover the Arab experience in achieving social justice has proven that there are some challenges and problems which have been already referred to. At the same time, it raised questions about the formal frameworks of social justice and the level to which economic and social policy match social justice, and how to integrate the idea ofsocial justice effectively in public policies and apply it in practical terms; and how they can be applied to implement the principles stipulated in the Constitutions on the ground.
We can see here that the theme of social justice has been reflected in the agendas of all political parties in the Arab region as a key theme after the revolutions. However, we will examine one model in this regard, the Egyptian model, where all the programmes of the different political parties, the new and the old, contain the concept of social justice, although the dimensions of this concept differ from one stream to the other as can be seen in the following examples:
The Islamic parties, such as the Freedom and Justice Party, the al-Nour Party, the Strong Egypt Party, the Wasat Party and Construction and Development Party, adopt the market concept when they deal with the idea of social justice and they do not rely on policies and legislation to guarantee it. However they depend mainly on integration and not the redistribution of wealth and this has been reflected in the 2012 Constitution. They believe that health care is the most important priority for states and that health insurance should be provided to all citizens. There is also the issue of the minimum wage and the improvement in the educational level of public school graduates.
In general, there are two teams in the Islamic stream in connection with rights related to social justice. These are the Salafist parties (Al-Nour and the Construction and Development party) and (Strong Egypt and Al-Wasat) parties. Regarding the Freedom and Justice Party, its programme classifies it within the second team while its stances and policies, when it got into power and the alliances it made prior to getting into power, make it more a part of the first team. Here, it seems that the programmes of the Salafist parties aim at appealing to public opinion rather than having an integrated vision. For this reason, they speak about certain rights, but they ignore other rights and they adopt concepts which contradict with the economic approach adopted by the parties. This is unlike the Wasat and the Strong Egypt parties, which have come up with a more integrated and mature form of these rights. For example, the Wasat party raises the issue of the importance of raising growth rates, which should be accompanied by a tangible improvement in the living standards and it says that this is because of the nature of Egypt.
Moreover, the nationalist parties,such as the Nasserite Arab Democratic Party and the Dignity Party, adopt slogans on social justice all the time. Despite this, in their programmes, they tackle this issue from the liberal parties’ perspective. They speak about the provision of fully supported health care to all citizens, strengthening the reform of the educational system, providing teachers with best working conditions, human rights in the work place, minimum wages linked to consumer prices, equal pay for equal work, the right to education, health and decent housing, pension and social security for unemployed, sick and disabled people, and a just distribution of national income.
In general, we find that these nationalist parties do not support the redistribution of income. This is evident in the statements of some of their leaders, in addition to the absence of a consistent position and vision on the subject of progressive taxation and the issue of minimum and maximum wage although they agree with the reforms of state institution.
The economic programmes of the liberal parties, such as the al-Wafd Party, the Democratic Front Party, the Free Egyptians Party, the Party of Egypt Freedom, and the Constitution Party, have determined the way they perceive social justice. These parties believe that the free market and the economy are capable of achieving social justice by increasing national wealth rather than redistributing it, attracting investment, building a modern, institutional state and a modern legislative structure characterized by stability and continuity, the respect of law and the establishment of controls to achieve social justice in order to ensure higher standards of living for the Egyptian citizen and the progress of the Egyptian economy. We note here that the parties of this stream have focused more on principles rather than work programmes and this has led to internal conflicts, especially within the new parties, which have hindered their movement, especially regarding the different reform issues. Moreover, the mentality of authoritarian regimes has affected the political culture of these parties. Most of them still consider themselves advisors to the authority who should have a bigger role and not as alternative forces within programmes that aim to reach power and replace the ruling forces in order to implement them.
The leftist parties, suchas the National Progressive Unionist Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and the Party of Popular Socialist Alliance, focus on the concept of social justice and economic and social rights, and it can be said that they have a clearer vision about them compared to other parties. The focus of attention and mechanisms differ from one party to the other. While some focus on trade union and labour rights, such as the al-Tagamu, there are others which focus on raising the minimum wage, pensions, putting limits on a maximum wage and the implementation of a comprehensive tax reform system, which aims to achieve social justice for low-income groups, in addition to the restructuring of the tax system, the abolition of additional, indirect taxes, the introduction of the progressive income tax system, the introduction of progressive taxation on luxury consumption, the tightening of penalties on tax evaders and the reform of the appointments structure in public and private institutions in such a way which ensures permanent jobs for temporary workers and the cancellation of temporary work in businesses of a permanent nature, the adoption of comprehensive social insurance for impoverished families lacking breadwinners and for temporary workers when they lose their jobs, the adoption of the unemployment benefit together with a system for the distribution of labour as well as guidance to vacant jobs in the private and public sectors not less than the benefit of the poverty line, maintaining subsidies for the poor, while ensuring that they reach those who deserve them, by proposing a set of policies based on studying the successful experiences of developing countries in this field, such as the Alliance Party. However, we find that the three parties are based on unsteady alliances that cannot be built upon and references that could not be defined, and this threatens this alliance. This was shown by the mass resignations after each political crisis, which requires a stance from the party.
First:Social justice as one concept with multiple entry points
In this context, we see multiple entry points for the concept of social justice. The first is the entry point largely raised by the people: the service-related one which is closer to the concept of the welfare state. This concept is based on the idea that social justice is the provision of basic services such as health, education and housing with the standards of various rights based on quality, availability, accessibility and, finally, public satisfaction about services. This entry point stresses equal opportunities as the basis for achieving social justice and equality. And equality here does not mean that all people get equal opportunities. Rather it means that the more marginalized sectors get support to access these services.
With the emergence of this entry point, some of the capitalist system’s institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, started to advocate the importance of achieving equality between the different classes of the society in order to maintain development and progress. Two kinds of inequality and discrimination in society have been identified: firstly, income inequality with direct impact on growth rates because the more the rich get, the lower the possibility of achieving high growth rates. The second is inequality of opportunity, and this is the most dangerous one because it directly affects development and growth.
The second entry point is the one linked to Leftist thought or which stems from it. It says that social justice cannot be achieved without the fair distribution of the country’s wealth. This entry point focuses on the restructuring of the wage and tax system, setting minimum wages that enable citizens to live a decent life and a maximum wage which reduces class differences and ensures more just distribution of national income, which enables the financing of the minimum wage without putting new burdens on the state budget. This should be accompanied by a tax system, where the rich, through progressive taxation, bear the biggest burden for financing of basic services for the benefit of the general public. In the way envisioned by those who adopt it, this entry point is strongly associated with the pattern or the development model adopted. For example, in the Egyptian case, the minimum and maximum wage should be specified, state-owned companies sold through corruption should be regained, the right to self-management of the means of production should be given and efficient and cheap health services should be provided to all people. Social justice is linked to the distribution of “advantages” and “burdens” within society and the method by which resources are allocated to people through society’s institutions.
The achievement of social justice depends on two principles: firstly, that every person has the right to demand basic liberties equally and secondly, a social system based on this right. There are two conditions for the absence of social and economic inequalities: the first is linked to giving everybody equal opportunities and the second is about reliance on the difference principle.This entry point also sees that the achievement of social justice comes through the lifting of injustice done to individuals. This is achieved by the way we look at the society, its problems, our analysis and our solutions for them.
We can describe the third entry point as the “rational capitalist” model, which believes that there is no need to change the free-market style but there is a need to establish broad social security networks which guarantee the needed opportunities for poorer classes of society. It tries to take a positive stance regarding social security and the provision of social protection systems for the poor in order not to become a source of danger for the regime and to protect the regime itself rather than the rights of the individuals.
A careful reading of these entry points confirms the impossibility of separating out the concept. One entry point can be given priority but it is not possible to completely separate them. The financing of the first and third models cannot achieve social justice without the means of financing stipulated in the second model, otherwise it will turn into yet more of a burden on the poorest and most marginalized classes. Moreover, the second model largely seeks to achieve the objectives of the first entry point of provision of basic services. However, the main obstacle that can be identified here is still the applied mode of production or development and whether social justice can be achieved with open marketpolicies.
Second, patterns of social justice and development
If we observe the economic pattern which had prevailed in the region before the Arab revolutions, we can see clear differences in the rates of development, despite the adoption of the same developmental pattern with different historical dimensions. Some date back more than one decade, such as in Egypt and Tunisia.
One was in the phase of transformation into a market economy, as in the case of Syria. In this pattern, it is clear that there are three common negative elements.The first is related to the nature of the rentier economy, which has led to deterioration of living standards, inequality in the distribution of income, increased poverty and unemployment, the erosion of free education and health, the dismantling of the public sector and the control of one small class (monopoly), the reliance on agriculture only as a source of income and development and the collapse of industry and trade which is required to turn the rentier economy into a productive economy, which provides a real solution to unemployment and low wages and which imposes the building of education and health systems as well as the infrastructure to achieve high rates of growth and development. Second, those who adopt this patter are those who adopt the neo-liberal approach.
The third element is the dependence on close relationships in crony capitalism.This economic system led to a poor distribution of wealth and the presence of class discrimination between those who work and those who own. This economic system has also created a bourgeois class which owns the largest percentage of income and this led to the emergence of a class associated with the ruling class. The problem became the attempts of this class to defend the ruling class which serves its interests and the market interests so the demands of the people were not achieved. Things have reached a level where it is not enough to change rulers but rather a whole social system. Some found the solution in the imposition of a progressive taxation system.
If the market economy is disputable, there is no doubt that it was accompanied by these three elements, which became clear in the case studies in this book. An economy, which is biased against the vast majority of society, cannot produce. It becomes an economy which serves the few and poses a threat to poor and marginalized groups as well as depletes the states’ future resources. Its rentier nature does not allow it to create a base for the future. Neo-liberalism does not give the state the authority to provide a real support to the rights of marginalized groups. Moreover, close relatives and friends turn wealth into a financial circle controlled by corruption, which produces no revenues for other parties. This explains why countries like Egypt and Tunisia, where public services provided to the people collapsed, have managed in the last few years before therevolutions to achieve growth rates reaching sometimes up to 7 percent.
The Arab reality, in the pre-revolution period, reflected a state of absence of social justice in all Arab societies, marked by a clear disparity between classes in the size and ownership of wealth, wages of individuals and in differences in educational, health and cultural services, and even entertainment. All this made lack of social justice one of the main reasons for revolution and popular protest.
The general context in the society, before the revolutions, was characterized by widespread corruption, discrimination in employment opportunities, deliberate exclusion of a number of sectors and groups, waste of national wealth in absurd ways which do not serve the citizens, not to mention the growing poverty, unemployment, poor basic public services and election fraud. In Yemen, the poverty rate increased to become the highest in the Middle East and North Africa, according to World Bank’s 2010 figures. For this reason, some of the basic and common demands of the Arab revolutions have been pointing at social justice, among them are: the right to work, improved purchasing power, the right to housing and the right to education. All of these conditions andmore controlled the social and political landscape in the Arab world, prompting the eruption of revolutions calling for social justice in the society and for equality between citizens.
This situation was accompanied with the absence of an institutional form which can deal with the impact of all this. The nationalization of unions has emptied cooperative movements of their real content and turned them into a tool to impose the hegemony of the state. With the decline in their role, the interest networks controlled the systems and it was natural that the roles of cooperatives ended in some countries and they became empty structures.
Throughout modern history, trade unions were the main factor for the outbreak of strikes and protests. The working class represents more than 50 percent of the population and thus it has been an important indicator on the state of general satisfaction since the beginning of protest history in 1899; they have remained so until now. The trade union movement derives its nature and advantages from the nature of class formation of the labourers. What makes the working class distinctive from other classes in the society is the fact that it is a united class where there are no social divisions or economic sectors and no competition and conflicts whatsoever among its members. There are common interests that gather labourers and unite them. They are all suffering from capitalist exploitation which is consuming them. In any country, there are two trends within the labour movement. Some believe that the labour trade movement should only engage in trade union issues without interfering in the political sphere in order not to face problems. Others believe that the struggle of the working class, led by the trade unions, requires engagement in politics. The social conditions lived by the labour movements heavily affectthe approach used. In some cases, unions adopt the first approach and at certain times they adopt the second. This is to a large extent related to the circumstances surrounding this class.
The trade union movement cannot live in isolation from the political life of a society. Egyptian and Tunisian history is a witness to the acts of the trade union movements against colonialism in an attempt to reach stability. These were the torch of the protests. Then came the Arab Spring accompanied by other protests. Trade union demands have lately been characterized by profession-related demands without any attention to political demands. In addition to this, frequent protests and strikes have become a powerful weapon in influencing decision-makers and the authorities.
This situation has severely impacted on policies related to social justice. With the end of the national liberation movement systems, an economy was formed based on mechanisms in favour of dominant networks, which does not give other parties a tool to confront this trend.
This has led to what is known as savage capitalism, resulting in protest movements with a social nature. The Arab region saw a significant increase in the number of protest movements in recent times due to the increase in public awareness as well as for other reasons, including the weakness of political parties. The emergence of protest movements was imperative as a solution for getting out of social problems and trying to put them in the political arena. With the development of the technological revolution and the spread of social media, the importance of protest movements increased and they became more widespread. Protest movements were among the important factorsin the outbreak of Arab revolutions. For example, in Egypt, the “We are all Khaled Said” Movement, Kifaya and the April 6 movement played a major role in the eruption of the revolution and in the 18 days from the departure of Hosni Mubarak until the Muslim Brotherhood controlled the yards and the scene in Egypt. The capacities of protest movements to induce change is represented in two directions: first, the transformation into political movements with social bases introducing new faces to public life beyond the traditional ones who are leading opposition parties and the government so as to become the nucleus for changing the shape of political elites in government as well as in the opposition.
The second isthe impact on the decision-makers in the ruling elites in a way which is closer to lobbying groups to make those elites review some of their economic policies and orientations, or lead to changes in the prevailing balance of power within ruling elites.
We find that, after the revolutions there appears to be no structural change in this economic system. Discussions about politics are still dominant while the dimension of social justice is still neglected. The revolutions have raised “economic” demands, most importantly the elimination of unemployment and low pay, improvements in collapsing education and health services which have became commoditized, improvements in collapsing infrastructure and improving the status of women and ending their marginalization. With the achievement of these demands, social justice will be realized as well as economic growth.
In Egypt and Tunisia, work and pay issues were raised, and it was clear that the popular classes could no longer tolerate marginalization, poverty and ignorance. However, with the end of the first and second revolutionary waves, it was surprising to see that nothing has been achieved. Demands have become factional in nature rather than social and questions raised on the importance of changing the economic pattern and transformation to another. Society was required to address the issue of social justice on the economic side and the issue of society’s partial or full economic transformation to implement desired economic reforms by revolution.
Third, social justice between what is political and what is economic
The Arab revolutions have proved that it is a necessity to embrace social justice. However, the developments that have followed hampered this path. Thus, the impact was not in one direction but rather had a reciprocal impact. As much as the pitfalls of democratic transformation on the political track has had a negative impact on social justice, the absence of these policies on social justice did not enable the post revolution systems to dismantle interests networks, which were able, because of the delay in these policies, to get out of the state of denial they have experienced after the revolutions and regain the initiative in the economic field, in some cases, and in the political field, in other cases. In doing so, they used their monopoly capabilities and the media under their control to consolidate their dominance again and to confront anything that would lead to them being held accountable for pre-revolution corruption, which is related to the foundations of democracy such as transparency and accountability, those which would affect their wealth, such as fair tax legislation, or policies that would redistribute wealth in the Arab revolution countries in a fair way. Moreover, the explosions in some of the revolution states and their transformationinto civil war zones, as is the case in Libya and Syria, or into instability, as is the case in Yemen and Egypt, have had a negative impact on the adoption of economic policies which might impose development that serves the majority and not one which only serves the interests of a certain class. In this regard, an important issue is raised and is related to the nature of the economic decision and the insistence on separating it from the political decision, as if the two are separate processes, and as if the economic decision is only a technical one and this is one of the legends of the capitalist economy that needs to be reviewed.
Perhaps this has become clear from the marketing of many of the economic policies that have done damage to the status of social justice in Egypt since the 1970’s, the economic reform programs followed in several Arab countries by many technicians because they are important technical choices which cannot be delayed. People then discover the failure of these policies and accuse regimes of seeking the help of trusted persons rather than those with the right experience. And this is what experts start to quickly repeat although there are not necessarily technical solutions to such problems. The experiences of many countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia have proved the failure of technical solutions to varying degreesand this is because strong technical solutions work as sedatives in the long run, while the weakest cannot withstand crises and disadvantages of the economic system and they may cause serious crises in many cases, because those absent from these policies are the masses, their representatives and their control. This is because in reality there are no simple school recipes for solving social problems. What is more, any economic policy is supported or objected to by those whose interests are served or not served, and this is due to the fact that there are no neutral or objective technical recipes and they are not supposed to be. What have been described as technical mistakes arising from mismanagement or the application of economic policies, is in fact a clear social and political choice which serves certain social groups that are usually associated with the ruling regime in certain alliances.
It is obvious to any observer of the scene that the issue of the nature of the state, specifically the identity, was the most visible on the surface during the previous period. This issue has even become a source for polarization adopted by religious parties, which considered it a source of their strength, and other parties and streams were dragged to adopt it when they did not find visions and serious programs to offer response to the desired change after the Arab revolutions. Such a polarization is a convenient cover for their work because it allows them to hide behind their weak capacities to adopt social policies for the benefit of the masses of people who took to the streets during the revolutions. These civil and religious parties have preferred to drag these masses into topics they master instead of focusing their work on policies demanded by the people. Unfortunately, the left wing too, in several countrieswas dragged into this battle and instead of holding a compass for the masses it has drifted behind modern leftist thought, which does has a dimension of intellectual enlightenment.
This situation was not the result of internal developments in the countries of the Arab region only, but external factors too have played a keyrole. Since the collapse of the socialist system, there have been continuous attempts to impose a certain developmental pattern by the capitalist system, either through bilateral relations between Western Europe and the United States on the one hand, and the Third World countries on the other, including Arab countries, or through international financial institutions. In this context, these institutions have played a prominent role through what has been known as restructuring in sometimes, structural adjustment, or economic reform policies in others, to impose the capitalist pattern and to integrate the economies of the Third World in the globalization process, restricting their capacities and opening their markets for western companies in an unfair manner through agreements such as the Free Trade Agreement (GATT). In fact, these policies have only led to the increase in international monopolies and in the gap between rich and poor countries and to high rates of poverty in the Third World.
According to the United Nations Millennium Development Goals Report, about one out of five people live below the poverty line in developing areas on around $1.25 per day. At the same time, the global Gallup Organization released a report on poverty in the world in which it said that more than one in five residents (22 percent) live on $1.25 per day or less, which is defined by the World Bank as two dollars per day. The Gallup Organization in its report said that about 16 percent of the people of the Middle East and Africa live on US $1.25 per day or less, while 28 percent of the region’s population lives on US $2 or less per day. The results also show that those in African areas live in the worst kind of poverty in the world with 54 percent of the population in 27 different countries living in extreme poverty. On the other hand, the number of people living on $1.25 per day in economically developed areas, such as Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Canada and Europe, does not exceed 1 percent. Thus poverty areas in the world are the Third Worldcountries
Despite the differences that appear in the details of scenery in each of the countries that have witnessed uprisings or revolutions in the region, there are visible features in the pre-revolution situation in the area of social justice that were reflected in the decline in the productive economy in favour of a service economy, increased dependence on rentier resources of the economy, an increased tendency to adopt a developmental pattern which depends on the idea ofthe falling fruits – despite the fact that the capitalist economic crisis in 2008 put this idea at doubt in the very heart of the capitalist countries. It even raised questions on the nature of representative democracy historically associated with the growth of the capitalist system. And finally the control of business-led networks on the economies of nations, the emergence of monopolies and the formation of alliances between them and the ruling political power.
However, the most prominent similarities after the revolutions are the continuation of these features, dominance of what is political on the economic and the absence of enough links between the two. The papers presented in this book show that the link between social and/or protest movements of social nature and the political sphere is the basis of this separation and that the biggest winner until now, in most of the countries, is the Islamist stream and more specifically the Muslim Brotherhood, where social justice, in its deepest sense, is not part of the agenda because it carries the same ideas on the development pattern adopted by the pre-revolution regimes.
This has enabled the same economic elites to tighten their grip on the resources of these countries again after three years. Here we can speak about revolutions on the level of mass movements but we cannot speak about them in the sense of inducing structural changes in Arab societies. However monitoring protest movements as presented in the papers of this study confirms that the march is not yet over and there are still young groups who insist on completing their path to achieve demands that could change the composition of societies towards a more equitable system.
In Egypt, two years after the revolution, the revolution started to flare again onJune 30, 2013. Social movements found that social and economic goals of the revolution had not yet been implemented on the ground. This aggravated the situation and fuelled the idea of creating a new alternative by going down to the streets again in the hope of achieving social justice.
Things were not different in Tunisia. Since the eruption of the December 2010 revolution, youth and social movements have played a prominent role in leading the crisis and in ensuring that it does not deviate from the path toward social justice although it is sometimes deviating from the democratic path. However, the situation has become worse because of the continuation of policies hostile to all wage earners and workers. It is getting more severe with the increase in unemployment rates and the marginalization of hundreds of thousands of the workforce, including the unemployed holders of university degrees. In addition, the plundering of the natural resources of the country as well as the depletion of its financial resources, especiallywith the continuation of the corrupt debt system and the smuggling of capital abroad. This will make the revolutions and uprisings return to the Tunisian street again.
One cannot overlook the changes brought about by these revolutions at the societal level as well as their impact, in many cases, on centres within the state and its institutions. However, this cannot be a decisive factor without institutions which are supposed to carry this project of social justice interacting with it – that is, the serious progressive parties, developmental and human rights organizations and popular movements which were formed in the post-revolution countries, especially the younger ones, which need the support of unions and commissions representing the interests of marginalized groups and communications which enables making a link between social demands and the economic and political development patter. In addition to mobilization efforts, this requires a theoretical effort by research and cultural elites who belong to this project. Moreover, the revolutionary path should be connected with the political path by introducing the demands of the revolution and the alternatives offered by entities associated with it in the political arena through an organized effort to communicate with the media or through representatives in national and local institutions.
In addition to the above, there is a direct correlation between the implementation of social justice policies and political development in Arab countries. Without a democratic political system characterized by transparency and accountability of political officials in the executive or legislative bodies, an independent judicial system which ensures free circulation of power, there is no assurance that there will be an authority which will adopt these policies. However, this traditional democratic style is also not enough at this stage, which requires, as we said earlier, the dismantling of dominant pre-revolutionary networks of interest. This requires a democracy which activates the role of citizens and entities representing different interests, a participatory democracy, through a participatory process similar to that prevailing in Latin America, which saw a democratic transition during the first part of this century.
Moreover, the international dimension is an essential part in the formation of hostile policies towards social justice. Thus, internal confrontation will not be enough without regional coordination and without confronting what international financial institutions dictate. This should be done through the formation of a front composed of developing countries that wish to affect the agenda of these institutions, with curtailment or the imposition of an alternative agenda on them as the highest ambitions. This frontshouldberepresented in organized movements and alternative entities. Here the role of social forces in supporting such international alliances becomes important. These entities could be capable of representing more than just pressure on these international institutions at a later stage – they could also become an alternative to them in light of the crises of the capitalist system and the re-drawing of the international map. This stage may be closer than we imagine – and the absence of alternatives only serves the interests of those dominant forces still hostile to the concept of social justice.
Research Assistant, Shorouk al-Hariri.
Mohamed Elagati, “The state and the political system in Egypt after the revolution: Parties and issues of reform,” Cairo, AFA, 2013.
The difference principle permits inequalities in the distribution of goods only if those inequalities benefit the worst-off members of society.
Wael Gamal, “Social Justice and the Arab revolutions: The complexities of the concept and policies,” one of the papers of this book.
SalamehKeileh, “Social Movements and the Concept of Social Justice in the Revolutions of Arab countries,” one of the papers of this this book
For more information, see the study cases of this book.
According to the World Bank, the growth rates in Egypt and Tunisia before the outbreak of the revolutions were as follows: Egypt’s growth rate was about 4.7 in 2009and it reached 5.1 in 2010 to drop in 2011 to 2.2, making the growth rate a down sliding line. Regarding Tunisia, the World Bank report indicates that in 2009 growth rates were 3.6 and they continued as they are in 2010, but in 2011 there was a significant decline of up to -0.2.
For more details about the protest movements, see: AmrShobaki, Protest Movements in the Arab World, Egypt, Morocco, Lebanon, Bahrain, Algeria, Syria, and Jordan, Beirut, Center for Arab Unity Studies, 2nd edition, 2014.
Fuad al-Salahi, “The Arab Spring Revolutions and Social Justice Demands,” one of the papers of this book.
Yasser Alawi, “From a prince to an expert: Is there a technical solution to a political crisis?”, under publication.
For more information, see the case studies in this book.
For more information see: Elagati, Mohamed et al., “From representative democracy to participatory democracy ..Towards a new Egyptian constitution, experiences and insights,AFA, at the following link:http://is.gd/AlqdsG